Of the four leading players in the Middle East peace drama, only the United States has much enthusiasm, and it might be the least relevant.
The Israelis, Palestinians and Syrians talk about peace but they show little interest in making the tough decisions necessary to transform their rhetoric into reality. They are beset by deep internal divisions, a dearth of strong leadership and a lack of will.
Benjamin Net-anyahu opened his second act as prime minister after a 10-year intermission by declaring his desire for peace with Israel’s neighbors. But by taking positions aimed at satisfying all factions in his cobbled-together government — from the right-wing rejectionists and those who want to expel Israeli Arabs to the leftist doves who embrace the two-state solution and withdrawal from virtually all of the West Bank — he barely opened the door.
Netanyahu is a man with a position for everyone. No one knows what his real stance will be in any peace talks, possibly even Netanyahu himself. His campaign rhetoric, his own history and his statements since the election all create more confusion than illumination.
He declared this week he intends to “do everything to attain a just, sustainable peace,” but he refuses to endorse the two-state approach. He has also said the Palestinians are not ready for statehood, dismissed Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas as “a partner for words, but not for deeds” and said he wants peace with Syria but will not leave the Golan Heights.
So fractured is the new cabinet that Israel has two foreign ministers: one for the United States and top European allies and another for the rest of the world.
Netanyahu will keep the U.S. and European portfolios for himself, just as other prime ministers have done when they had weak foreign ministers like David Levy and Silvan Shalom.
Netanyahu understands from his own failed first term that successful stewardship of the American account is vital to the success of any Israeli government. That’s why he will want to get to Washington as soon as possible.
Look for him in early May to address the AIPAC annual policy conference and to use that visit to sit down with President Barack Obama. Netanyahu has spoken of the cordial meetings when the two met as candidates, but Obama made clear that was then and this is now.
At last week’s press conference, Obama put Netanyahu on notice that he is serious about the peace process and considers the status quo “unsustainable.”
The president, who is expected shortly to deliver a major speech outlining his vision for Middle East peace, declared it “critical for us to advance a two-state solution,” something Netanyahu has refused to endorse. The selection of former Sen. George Mitchell as special Mideast envoy is a clear signal that “we’re going to be serious from day one in trying to move the parties” in that direction, and the President repeatedly declared his intentions to be “persistent.”
That was not welcome news for Netanyahu, who wants to shelve political discussions with the Palestinians in favor of “economic peace,” insisting that they aren’t ready for statehood.
In his first term, Netanyahu worked closely with evangelicals and congressional Republicans to undermine the peace policies of the Democratic administration of Bill Clinton, who considered him arrogant and untrustworthy, something the current secretary of state is well aware of.
Netanyahu also heard a tough message from the European Union: Relations will be jeopardized if the new government refuses to endorse the two-state concept.
Avigdor Lieberman, head of the Yisrael Beiteinu party, will be the nominal foreign minister. He won’t be welcome in Egypt until he at least apologizes for having told President Hosni Mubarak to “go to hell.”
Lieberman’s deputy foreign minister is Danny Ayalon, the former envoy to Washington who during last year’s campaign questioned Obama’s fitness to be president.
Netanyahu’s best protection against a confrontation with the Obama administration will be Hamas. If the Islamist group succeeds in becoming a partner in the Palestinian government, possibly getting a role in West Bank security, and if it goes on to win the next Palestinian elections without changing its stand toward Israel, all pretense of a real peace process would end.
But until then, much can be done on the Palestinian track to build on progress made under the Olmert government, particularly training Palestinian Authority. security forces and improving cooperation between the two sides. Look also for Washington to press for a real settlement freeze, removal of illegal outposts, lifting restrictions on travel in the West Bank and reopening of Gaza crossing points.
Obama is not powerless. A recent survey, conducted for the pro-peace J Street lobby, suggests the American Jewish community supports the two-state solution by 3-1 and would like to see stronger U.S. leadership for peace, even if it means applying pressure to the Israeli government.
But serious pressure is unlikely as long as the Palestinians remain divided and as long as Hamas continues to gain political power, as recent polls have demonstrated.
Look for Obama and Netanyahu to test each other in the coming weeks. Expect some friction over issues such as settlements, but major confrontations are unlikely as both new leaders deal with the poor regional hand dealt them.
Douglas Bloomfield is a Washington, D.C.-based political consultant who was former chief legislative lobbyist for AIPAC.